(04-08-2022, 10:03 PM)BostonCard Wrote: Russia and other belligerents just need to *think* article v will be used and that the risk isn’t worth testing it out for it to be effective. But it needs to be a credible threat.
Certainly agree. However, if Russia can set the rules up (as it appears they have right now) that one can't attack Russian territory without provoking a nuclear response, it greatly affects the ability of NATO to respond and the credibility of that response. This is particularly true in the Baltics where 1) the loss of a relative small amount of Polish territory isolates them from supply and reinforcement, and 2) the entire area is surrounded by an air defense system that sits totally on Russian territory (and therefore can't be targeted). Of course, to any sane person starting such a war makes no sense. Control of the Baltics isn't essential to Russia, in fact probably not all that useful to them. Unfortunately, if Putin is "successful" in Ukraine, it is not certain he won't continue his irrational behavior.
Quote:But I think it is given that recent wars have turned the advantage in favor of a defender. The days of blitzing an opponent and rolling into a city with tanks is over; the only way, I think, to win an offensive war is going to be with a finely coordinated combined arms effort.
The days of blitzing an opponent and rolling tanks into a city that is defended never existed, See Leningrad and Stalingrad, Cherbourg, and Berlin. For local relevance, Königsberg. The German blitzkriegs worked by rapidly cutting the lines of communication and forcing the enemy forces to fall back or outright destroying the defensive forces in the field. They didn't attack the Maginot line. If a nation is willing to have a Stalingrad, they can hold out in the cities. There is a high price to pay in so doing and if you lose the war anyway, it doesn't help you. Whatever forces you commit to defending the cities are not usable elsewhere and will be combat ineffective subsequently even if they hold out successfully. If you can't evacuate them (and realistically, in most cases you can't) many civilians will die. Often a very tough choice to make.
As far as the idea that recent wars have turned the advantage to the defender, I think one has to be very careful with that idea. First of all, listen to President Zelensky. Ukraine has been at war for 8 years. We here in the West just don't get that. They were ready to fight and were already in one. It was just a matter of where Russia wanted to fight. Russia was fine back in 2014 as long as they were operating with the benefit of surprise and lots of local support. They still have that in some areas of the Donbas. However, once Ukraine got it's act together Russia was unable to take over the remaining 2/3 of the Donbas. This latest war is Putin attempting to finish Ukraine off. His army is ill suited to do that. The more I consider what is in
https://www.benning.army.mil/armor/earmo...iore17.pdf the more clear this becomes. The Russian army has reorganized itself based on "lessons learned" fighting against insurgents and in places where they have local support of irregular forces. That isn't what they are doing now and it shows. This reorg (if it had worked) would have let them "do more with less", as it concentrates the striking power in a relatively small number of people. Predictably, when this works it works great. However, if the initial strike fails, the BTG becomes effectively useless. Instead of "two up, one back" the BTG is "one up, nobody back". If this organization worked, you can effectively multiply your army size by three without getting more trained professional troops. Against an inferior opponent that is not well organized, this can work well. Against a "near peer", it won't work. They will counter-attack on several fronts which the BTG can't repel because they are "all in" on what they initially planned. Nothing new here folks.
The defensive in war always has had some advantages. However, the "correlation of forces" often overcomes these advantages. Two very big factors that are often overlooked (because they are so hard to measure) are 1) The willingness of the troops to fight and 2) the ability of the political and military leadership to effectively lead. IMHO there is no question that the Russian troops (and probably their officers) don't want this fight and that Russia has been hit by the Zelensky bomb. Zelensky also appears to have a competent general staff behind him. Putin may too, but he apparently bypasses them.
One un-answered question about NATO is the ability of the politicians to get the public to accept the hard choices required to fight a war in Europe. Given that the EU is still using Russian gas, there is reason to believe the answer is "no". Even if this isn't true, the perception that NATO won't fight is a dangerous one to allow any doubt about. IMHO, the willingness to fight is not obviously present.
Quote: And if the Russians couldn’t pull it off against their next door neighbor, it seems exceedingly unlikely that they would be able to pull it off against NATO, even the somewhat isolated Baltics, especially, as seems likely, if Finland and possibly Sweden join.
The defensive advantage means that Russia almost certainly can’t pull off an offensive war against NATO without, god help us, deploying nuclear weapons. It also means that NATO probably successfully attack Russia if it wanted to either.
BC
Missing something in that last sentence. I do agree Russia would probably be at a big disadvantage attacking in the Baltics with their current structure. However, NATO has some significant tactical problems there that may more than cancel the Russian problems out. If Putin survives this fiasco and Ukraine ends up falling apart, I pretty much expect we will find out eventually. Russia will also probably reorganize their military, realizing what they did was stupid. Hopefully, Putin doesn't survive.